by: Sondre Røise
The Human Rights Situation of Children Living in the Occupied Palestinian Territories pre-October 7th, 2023
The Rafto Foundation for Human Rights is well-known for protecting human rights and supporting democracy. The Foundation helps those who stand up for human rights, fostering responsible governance and business practices in addition to providing education on human rights and democracy. Each year, the foundation awards the Rafto Prize to honor brave individuals fighting for human rights around the globe. As a member of the 2023 Prize Committee, I partook in evaluating nominees and presenting our choices to the Rafto Board. Through this work, I learned about Defense for Children International – Palestine (DCIP), the organization for which we awarded the prize this year. For more than three decades, DCIP has been dedicated to advocating for and safeguarding the rights of children in the occupied Palestinian Territories. The organization conducts investigations and documents violations of human rights, as well as providing legal assistance to children facing prosecution. My collaboration with DCIP brought to light how much I didn’t know about the daily struggles faced by Palestinians, particularly children living under military occupation – a reality often overshadowed by the larger conflict. Motivated by this insight, I wrote this article in hope of providing readers a clearer view of the profound ways the enduring occupation influences the day-to-day lives of Palestinian children.
INTRODUCTION
The difficult situation of children living in the Occupied Palestinian Territories is a human rights concern that urgently calls for immediate global attention. Prior to the devastating events of October 7th, 2023, these children already faced numerous challenges that significantly impeded their right to a secure and prosperous childhood among other fundamental human rights. The realities of living under military occupation have subjected them to a myriad of adversities, from illegal arrests and detention, inadequate access to education and safe spaces, as well as exposure to violence and the psychological trauma that ensues.[i] This backdrop of adversity was starkly magnified by the events of October 7th, which not only precipitated a tragic loss of life with an estimated 1,200 people killed and 253 taken hostages, but also the death of over 31,000 Palestinians, including 13,000 children, as the conflict escalated.[ii] Acute malnutrition is running rampant, affecting every third child under the age of two.[iii] Amidst this, numerous violations of international law have been reported, further underscoring the crisis.[iv]
The heightened media scrutiny during episodes of active conflict when the bombs drop and violence peak, contrasts sharply with the subdued attention when active hostilities cease. Marte Heian-Engdal, assistant director of the Norwegian Center for Conflict Resolution, has pointed out that one of the biggest misconceptions about the Israel-Palestine conflict is the belief that the absence of war signifies normalcy and calmness. This is, however, not the case.[v] In reality, the intermittent calm masks the ongoing struggles, presenting a significant challenge to the global community. The misconception that tranquility equals resolution leads to a premature diversion of attention away from the enduring and prolonged hardship faced by Palestinian children.
This article aims to shed light on the human rights issues facing Palestinian children living in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Grasping the aspects of the occupation and its implications is fundamental to comprehend the lived experiences of these children.
The heightened media scrutiny during episodes of active conflict when the bombs drop and violence peak, contrasts sharply with the subdued attention when active hostilities cease.
A BROADER CONTEXT
When the United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres remarked that the Hamas attack on October 7th “did not happen in a vacuum”, he faced criticism and accusations of justifying Hamas´s woeful assault.[vi] It is crucial to clarify that recognizing the context of an action is not synonymous with justifying it. The attack by Hamas constitutes a clear war crime.[vii] However, comprehending the broader context is essential to a holistic understanding of the conflict. Scholars like Berg and Jensehaugen suggest that two underlying factors are imperative to fully grasp the complexities at hand: The 1948 war and the prolonged occupation of Palestinian territories by Israel. These two events have yet to be resolved through political means and have consequently led to a multitude of human rights violations spanning decades.[viii]
The War in 1948
The United Nations Resolution 181 called for the partition of Palestine into a Jewish state and an Arab state part, with Jerusalem placed under international control.[ix] Palestinians held about 90% of the land at the time.[x] Despite the initial ownership of the land, the partition awarded 56% of the territory to the emerging Jewish state. On November 29, 1947, the UN General Assembly voted to partition Palestine as 33 countries voted for, 13 against, and 10 abstentions, with all Arab countries voting against the proposition. The Palestinians, lacking unified political representation, were in many ways outmaneuvered by Zionist diplomacy.[xi]
The partition precipitated a civil war, escalating to a regional conflict when neighboring Arab countries attacked the newly declared State of Israel on May 15, 1948. Israel´s victory resulted in their control of over 78% of the territory, making 750 000 Palestinian refugees and displacing ¾ of the Palestinian people, who to this day remain stateless.[xii] For Palestinians, the right to return and live in their homeland remains a central tenet of their national identity and aspirations.
In July 1967, a war broke out between Israel and its neighboring Arab countries, known as the Six-Day War. The war resulted in a swift Israeli victory, with the capture of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem, the Golan Heights, and the Sinai Peninsula before a ceasefire ended the war on the 11th of July.[xiv]
The Six-Day War – The Beginning of the Occupation
It is acknowledged that the liberation of Palestine was used more as a rhetorical tool than a strategic plan of action in Arabic countries. Egypt, under President Gamal Abdel Nasser, was a key player. Evidence suggests Nasser was averse to war, aiming to demonstrate strength and political power towards Israel while avoiding an actual military confrontation. This approach is known as brinkmanship, which entails pushing a situation to the brink to achieve political gains before retreating. However, this was a high-risk strategy, which ultimately proved unsuccessful.[xiii]
In May 1967, Nasser´s deployment of Egyptian troops to the Sinai Peninsula, followed by the demand for the withdrawal of UN peacekeeping forces, removed the buffer between Egyptian and Israeli forces. Nasser further escalated tensions by blocking the Straits of Tiran to Israeli ships and forming a pact of defense with Jordan in addition to an existing one with Syria. Israel was now surrounded by states that were allied through defense agreements. The acts entailed that Nasser, in Israel’s eyes, had created a casus belli, a justification for war, which Israel swiftly acted upon. In July 1967, a war broke out between Israel and its neighboring Arab countries, known as the Six-Day War. The war resulted in a swift Israeli victory, with the capture of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem, the Golan Heights, and the Sinai Peninsula before a ceasefire ended the war on the 11th of July.[xiv]
As per the official assertion from the Israeli Ministry of Defense, it was a defensive war despite Israel initiating it, thus emphasizing the argument put forth that it was preventive. However, research indicates that Egypt’s actions provided Israel with a window of opportunity to initiate the war and that the United States gave Israel approval to initiate conflict. Israel, owing to their intelligence, was aware of their military supremacy.[xv]
As a result of the war Israel´s territory tripled in size, and it gained direct control of over 1.5 million Palestinians, of whom between 200,000 and 300,000 fled to Jordan and Syria.[xvi] Under the framework of international law, specifically the Hague Regulations of 1907 and the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, military occupation is defined as the provisional administration by a hostile army of a territory belonging to another sovereign entity and does not entail the transfer of sovereignty. The laws governing occupation prohibits the annexation of such territories, the displacement of indigenous population, and the establishment of settlements by the occupying power.[xvii] Despite these provisions, Israel has frequently challenged the relevance of the Geneva Convention and other international conventions to its administration of the occupied territories, often citing security and counterterrorism as justification for its policies.[xviii]
LEADING UP TO TODAY
From its beginning, the occupation has been marked by Israel´s military dominance over the West Bank and Gaza, alongside laws that differentiate between Palestinian residents and Israeli settlers. Palestinians have been governed by Israeli military regulations while settlers abide by Israel’s civil law, despite living beyond the state´s internationally recognized borders. In East Jerusalem, Israel applies civilian criminal law to Palestinian children.[xix]
The ongoing occupation which has lasted for over five decades, has solidified into a state of permanence, characterized by separation and discrimination. This enduring state of affairs has prompted living conditions where individuals experience unequal rights under Israeli governance, which has led multiple human rights organizations to define the discriminatory and oppressive Israeli policies as “apartheid”.[xx]
In the following sections, I will shortly dwell on some of the impacts of the Israeli occupation on the lives of Palestinians residing in the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem, shedding light on some of the distinct challenges faced within each territory.
The West Bank
Since the start of the occupation the construction and expansion of Israeli settlements have been a source of significant transformation within the region. According to recent data, approximately 413,000 Israeli citizens have established their homes within the West Bank, where the built infrastructure has progressively woven these settlements into the fabric of Israel.[xxi]
Post the Oslo-2 Accord of 1995, the West Bank was divided into Areas A, B, and C. Area A encompasses approximately 20 percent of the landmass and was placed under the jurisdiction of the Palestinian Authority. Area B also constitutes around 20 percent of the total and features joint Israeli-Palestinian security control. The largest part, Area C, which constitutes the remaining 60 percent, remains under the exclusive administrative and security control of Israel. This part also includes the location of most Israeli settlements. Palestinian negotiators initially perceived these divisions as a transitional phase, expecting a progressive handover of Areas B and C to Palestinian control.
The ongoing occupation which has lasted for over five decades, has solidified into a state of permanence, characterized by separation and discrimination.
However, this transfer of land has not occurred. Instead, these delineations have become de facto borders, fortified by checkpoints and border controls that necessitate Palestinian residents to seek Israeli authorization to move between towns and cities. Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza carry green ID cards, while those in East Jerusalem have blue ones. Those holding green IDs must obtain entry permits for movement, often hindering their access to Jerusalem for familial, work, or religious causes, such as worship at the al-Aqsa mosque. This geographic segmentation imposes profound effects on the political, economic, and social dimensions of Palestinian life, often severely limiting family reunification due to the stringent Israeli permit and checkpoint system.[xxii]
In the context of Area C within the West Bank, Palestinian construction is rigorously regulated through military order, frequently leading to the classification of buildings as unauthorized and their subsequent demolition. Punitive house demolitions have also been implemented as a response to a range of actions deemed as offenses, from stone-throwing to acts of violence and even non-violent general resistance to the Israeli occupation.[xxiii] The Palestinians refer to this as an “apartheid wall”, and the International Criminal Court in Haag has defined it as a breach of international law and required its removal.[xxiv]
East Jerusalem:
In the immediate aftermath of the war in 1967, Israeli efforts to consolidate Jerusalem under its governance rapidly ensued. This integration involved administrative coordination and a range of physical changes, notably the dismantling of the barbed wire that had divided East and West Jerusalem and the unification of the city’s infrastructural networks. A notable and radical action was the demolition of the Mughrabi Quarter, an Arab neighborhood next to the Western Wall, executed within days after the war ended.[xxv]
Since the beginning of the occupation approximately 220,000 Israeli citizens have moved to East Jerusalem, as Israel has constructed over 56,000 housing units specifically for Israelis and has expropriated approximately one-third of the private properties in the area, most of which are owned by Palestinians. Although Palestinians in this part of Jerusalem are afforded freedom of movement, they encounter systemic discrimination, manifesting in inadequate access to state and city services.[xxvi]
Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza carry green ID cards, while those in East Jerusalem have blue ones. Those holding green IDs must obtain entry permits for movement, often hindering their access to Jerusalem for familial, work, or religious causes, such as worship at the al-Aqsa mosque.
Episodic violence in East Jerusalem has seen individual Palestinians engaging in spontaneous acts of aggression against Israelis, often using knives or vehicles to assault crowds. While a minority of these attacks might be associated with organized political factions, the majority appear to be the acts of isolated individuals, so-called “lone wolves”. The undercurrent of these violent outbursts is born from enduring socio-economic and political exclusion and is often traced to a pervasive absence of hope for the future.[xxvii]
A case in point occurred in December 2021, when a 14-year-old Palestinian girl who was from a family facing deportation inflicted minor injuries upon an Israeli woman in an attack. The same evening, Israeli settlers in East Jerusalem were reported to have paraded through the streets chanting “Arabic thieves, get out of your houses” and defacing the girl’s family residence with graffiti.[xxviii] These events are symptomatic of a broader trend in East Jerusalem, where decades of systematic violation of international law have been observed. The post-2000 era has seen an escalation in human rights violations and was notably intensified following the United States’ recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel in 2017. Presently, thousands of Palestinians in the area face the risk of eviction, destruction of their homes, revocation of their Jerusalem IDs, and settler violence.[xxix]
Gaza
A security barrier was completed around the Gaza Strip in 1996 and since the Hamas election victory in 2006 and the subsequent blockade by Israel and Egypt. Israel controls six out of the seven border crossings in Gaza, in addition to superior control of the airspace and coastal waters. Israel also commands all buffer zones while Egypt oversees the southern Rafah crossing, which remains largely closed. The restrictions imposed by the blockade have a significant impact on the freedom of movement and trade of the Palestinian people. Furthermore, Gaza is dependent on Israel for access to essential resources such as water, electricity, and telecommunications. The UN has criticized the blockade as a form of collective punishment.[xxx]
Periodic escalations have seen rockets and grenade fire from Gaza and retaliatory Israeli airstrikes. Independent reports have cited concerns over potential violations of international law by both parties. However, these reports often highlight that certain Israeli military responses may demonstrate a disproportionate use of force, particularly impacting civilian populations and infrastructure.[xxxi] A significant percentage of the population is below the age of 24 in the Gaza region. The prolonged blockade has had a profound impact on the daily lives of the people, leading to high poverty rates and a stagnant GDP since 1995. As a result, unemployment rates have risen dramatically to 50 percent, and people have become increasingly reliant on humanitarian aid as a source of support.[xxxii] Critics of Israeli policies have described the blockade on Gaza as an unlawful form of collective punishment that violates international law, with some labeling Gaza as the world’s largest open-air prison.[xxxiii]
Presently, thousands of Palestinians in the area face the risk of eviction, destruction of their homes, revocation of their Jerusalem IDs, and settler violence.[xxix]
THE INTERNATIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE PROTECTION OF CHILDREN’S RIGHTS
The Convention on the Rights of the Child, along with its Optional Protocol on Children in Armed Conflict, provides a comprehensive set of rights for children. The Convention underscores the importance of non-discrimination, prioritizing children’s best interests, ensuring their right to life and development, and allowing their participation in decisions that affect them. It guarantees them the right to identity, protection from discrimination, violence and abuse, and access to healthcare and education.[xxxiv] The Convention was ratified by Israel in 1991 and the state of Palestine in 2014, which makes them both obligated to protect and fulfill the rights of children.[xxxv]
International humanitarian law, including the Hague Regulations and Geneva Conventions, offers additional protection to children during armed conflicts and occupation. These specifically safeguard schools and hospitals from attacks and strictly forbid the recruitment of children for military purposes. Regarding the Geneva Convention, the occupants of any conflict have specific responsibilities to maintain public order and civilian life, which includes protecting private property and caring for the well-being of the occupied population, including children. Grave breaches of these obligations, such as forced transfer, property destruction not justified by military necessity, killings, torture, and child recruitment, are therefore considered serious violations of the Geneva Convention.[xxxvi]
CHILD HUMAN RIGHTS INFRINGEMENTS IN THE OCCUPIED PALESTINIAN TERRITORIES
The following section will draw on the Report of Francesca Albanese, the current UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967. The report was presented to the UN General Assembly on 20 October 2023 and includes findings from numerous reports published by different human rights organizations.[xxxvii] I will mainly separate between these two categories: rights to safety and rights to live in dignity.
Right to safety
Data since 2008 indicate that upwards of 1,434 Palestinian children have lost their lives and another 32,175 have been injured in incidents primarily involving Israeli security forces. It appears that there is a notable imbalance in the way the conflict affects children from both sides. In the same period of time, 25 Israeli children have lost their lives, and 524 have been injured, mainly due to actions carried out by Palestinians (note that the figures only include up to 31st August 2023). These statistics represent a stark human toll but also reflect a pattern of documented “use of excessive force” against Palestinians. Reports by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and independent commissions of inquiry have found that Israeli military attacks against Palestinian civilians were unnecessary or disproportionate, amounting to arbitrary deprivation of life. On documented occasions, Palestinians who were not posing any threat have been attacked with unnecessary force. Examples are children «standing in front of a clinic with white flags», “children playing football on the beach” and “children gathering on the cemetery to mourn lost ones”.[xxxviii]
The ongoing violence has ingrained a pervasive fear of mortality among Palestinian youth, markedly influencing their psychological and social development. The effects of living under such conditions and how the fear of death shapes their daily life is articulated by Ouadia, a 14-year-old girl: “Fearing death does not prevent you from dying, but it prevents you from living”. Continuing exposure to death and violence under the Israeli occupation has also been associated with significant psychological distress among Palestinian children. Recently, Palestinian children in the West Bank started to carry farewell letters in their pockets.[xxxix]
Recently, Palestinian children in the West Bank started to carry farewell letters in their pockets.[xxxix]
Over the past 16 years the Gaza Strip has been subject to an ongoing blockade and six large military assaults by Israel, events that have significantly impacted the Palestinian population’s rights, including the fundamental right to life. Studies suggest that the recurrent violent confrontations in Gaza have had a profound impact on the young populations, with estimates indicating that half of the children in the region may experience post-traumatic stress disorder as a consequence. This situation extends to the West Bank and East Jerusalem, where a pattern of military operations has been critiqued for their intensity and the scale of their impact on civilian life. The UN has also recorded over 3,200 incidents of settler violence since 2017, leading to substantial Palestinian casualties and considerable property damage. This settler violence has come in several forms, ranging from raids on Palestinian homes, destruction of property, and direct assaults on residents, contributing to a climate of fear and insecurity within Palestinian communities.[xl]
Arbitrary arrests and detention
Since the year 2000 Defence for Children International Palestine reports that approximately 13,000 Palestinian children have been subjected to the Israeli military detention process, with annual averages ranging from 500 to 700.[xli] These detentions can occur everywhere, from daily transit points such as checkpoints to their own homes in the middle of the night. A predominant charge leading to such detentions involves stone-throwing, a charge that can carry disproportionate sentences of up to 20 years in prison.[xlii]
Documented treatment of these children has frequently been described as cruel and inhumane, with instances of physical abuse and the use of prolonged solitary confinement with 24-hour lighting and no windows. Other substandard conditions that are prevalent are inadequate ventilation, unsanitary bedding- and toilet facilities.[xliii] Such practices raise serious concerns about their long-term impact on child development and mental health.
Further compounding the issue is the lack of legal representation for the majority of detained children, as 77% of the children are denied access to a lawyer prior to interrogation. The transfer of minors to locations outside of the OPT for detention is also reported, a move that may qualify as a war crime under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Such transfers exacerbate the children’s isolation and challenge the maintenance of family connections, with many parents remaining uninformed of their children’s whereabouts.[xliv]
Right to live in dignity
Coerced poverty and de-development
Israel’s occupation has severely impacted the Palestinian economy and has led to a significant “de-development.” It has plunged over two million Palestinians, including around a million children, into poverty and below the poverty line. Unequal access to resources such as water has contributed to this decline, with dire consequences for Palestinian children who depend on foreign aid for essentials and suffer from food insecurity. Water contamination is linked to a quarter of childhood diseases in Gaza as most of the sustainable groundwater is appropriated by the occupying power. In the West Bank, Palestinian children have access to just a quarter of the water available to settlers.[xlv]
Coerced homelessness
Housing is vital for the healthy development of children, providing not only shelter but also stability, security, and access to essential services. Despite this many Palestinian children see the security of a home as a remote dream, with over 56,500 Palestinian homes demolished by Israeli operations since 1967. This demolition happens often under the guise of military necessity, but also as a form of collective punishment and to facilitate the expansion of Israeli settlements.[xlvi]
In the West Bank, a tiny portion of the land is allocated for Palestinian development, leading to many homes without permits and under threat of demolition. The same can be seen in East Jerusalem, where thousands of homes lack permits, leading to widespread demolitions and the displacements of over 100,000 people, many of them children. On the Gaza Strip extensive destruction of residential areas has impacted hundreds of thousands of Palestinians, justified as security measures or anti-terrorism efforts.[xlvii]
“All I have are sad memories”, said Ghassan (15). “I still feel traumatized by the soldiers and their dogs attacking and injuring my father (during the demolition). I have nightmares about the bulldozers ripping away every stone in our house, and the sounds of the explosions still haunt me”.[xlviii]
The trauma inflicted on Palestinian children due to home demolitions is profound. Personal accounts reveal the deep psychological impact of witnessing the destruction of their homes and the violence associated with these acts. “All I have are sad memories”, said Ghassan (15). “I still feel traumatized by the soldiers and their dogs attacking and injuring my father (during the demolition). I have nightmares about the bulldozers ripping away every stone in our house, and the sounds of the explosions still haunt me”.[xlviii]
Deprivation of education
In the occupied Palestinian territories, the path to education is fraught with challenges. Attacks on educational institutions and a restrictive permit regime imposed by Israeli authorities have resulted in significant barriers. Eleven schools have been demolished since 2010, and demolition orders are looming large at 59. In the Gaza Strip, there are not enough classrooms, and 70 percent of UNRWA schools and 63 percent of government-run schools have to operate through double or triple shifts. For Palestinian children in the West Bank, the daily travel to school is often hazardous, marred by checkpoints, intimidation, and the threat of violence. These circumstances, alongside the arrests and detention of students and teachers, severely impede the educational process.[xlix]
Israeli military operations involving incursion into schools with the use of tear gas and live ammunition have disrupted education and resulted in injuries. Over the past 12 years, there have been more than 1,800 such incursions. These oppressive conditions contribute to elevated dropout rates, particularly among secondary students in the West Bank, with figures reaching 32 percent largely because of security concerns. Children with disabilities encounter even higher dropout rates.[l]
CLOSING THOUGHTS
This analysis underscores a systematic pattern of children’s rights violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Persistent even during periods of relative “calm”. Despite commitments to the Convention on the Rights of the Child and other relevant international treaties, both Palestinian and Israeli authorities fall short of upholding their obligations. Israel, as an occupying power, bears a heightened responsibility under international law to guarantee the safety and well-being of Palestinian children.
The ongoing occupation and the absence of a recognized Palestinian state leave Palestinian children exceptionally vulnerable. The denied right to self-determination intertwines with the lack of a sovereign entity to advocate for and secure their rights effectively. This persistent disregard for international humanitarian law and widespread human rights violations, particularly those impacting children, will likely continue as long as there are no consequences for such actions. Impunity for those who commit crimes in the context of occupation and conflict is a fundamental hindrance to peace, justice, and security for all who live in Israel and Palestine. To quote the Greek playwright Aeschylus: “The difference between justice and vengeance, is law, which only exists to the extent that there is faith in the equal application of it”.[li]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Amnesty International. “Israel´s Apartheid Against Palestinians – A look into decades of oppression and domination”. 01.02.2022.
Amnesty International. “The Occupation of Water”. Amnesty International. November 29, 2017.
Berg, Kjersti and Jørgen Jensehaugen. “Israels svar vil endre Midtøsten”. Bergens Tidende. 21.10.2023.
B`Tselem. “A regime of Jewish supremacy from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea: This is apartheid”. Amnesty International. 12.01.2021.
Convention (IV) respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land and its annex: Regulations concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land. The Hague, 18. October 1907.
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Guerin, Orla. “Israel-Gaza war: Gazan girl begs rescuers to save brother first as entire family killed”. BBC. March 22, 2024.
Hasson, Nir. “Israelis Should Wonder Why a 14-year-old Palestinian Stabs her Jewish Neighbor with a Kitchen Knife”. Haaretz. 9.12.2021.
Hülsemann, Laura. “Israel slams UN chief for saying Hamas attack `did not happen in a Vacuum´, calls for his resignation”. Politico. 24.10.2023.
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Human Rights Watch, “Hamas, Islamic Jihad: Holding Hostages is a War Crime”. HRW. 19.10.2023.
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Jørgen Jensehaugen, “En kort introduksjon til Israel-Palestina konflikten”, (Oslo: Cappelen Damm Akademisk, 2022)
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Munayyer, Yousef. “Can Our Leaders Avoid the Terrorist Trap?” Foreign Policy. 04.11.2023.
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Save the Children International. “Hope under the rubble: The impact of Israel’s home demolition policy on Palestinian children and their families”. Save the Children International. 28, June 2021.
Save the Children International. “Injustice: Palestinian children´s experience of the Israeli military detention system”. Save the Children International, 2023.
Sawafta, Ali. “Israeli forces kill 10 Palestinians in West Bank in 24 hours, WAFA news agency says”. Reuters. March 21, 2024.
UN General Assembly, “Resolution Adopted on the Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Palestinian Question,” A/RES/181(II) (29. November 1947)
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Wikan, Vilde Skorpen. “Midtøsten-ekspert Marte Heian-Engdal: – Jeg ble fullstendig sjokkert”. Aftenposten. 22.10.23
IV Geneva Convention “Relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of 12. August 1949”.
Notes
[i] DCIP, “Certain targets in an unequal Jerusalem: Israel is taking aim at Palestinians in Jerusalem with discriminatory laws and practices”; Save the Children International: “Palestinian children’s experience of the detention system”.
[ii] Sawafta, “Israeli forces kill ten Palestinians in West Bank in 24 hours, WAFA news agency says.”; Guerin, “Israel-Gaza war: Gazan girl begs rescuers to save brother first as entire family is killed”
[iii] NRK, “Hvert tredje barn i Gaza er akutt underernært”.
[iv] Human Rights Watch, “Israel: White Phosphorus Used in Gaza, Lebanon”; Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights; “UN report calls for accountability, justice for violations by all parties in OPT and Israel”; The Jerusalem Legal Aid & Human Rights Center, “War on Gaza: Violations of international law”.
[v] Wikan, “Midtøsten-ekspert Marte Heian-Engdal: – Jeg ble fullstendig sjokkert”
[vi] Hülsemann, “Israel slams UN chief for saying Hamas attack `did not happen in a vacuum,´calls for his resignation”
[vii] Human Rights Watch, “Hamas, Islamic Jihad: Holding Hostages is a War Crime”.
[viii] Berg og Jensehaugen, “Israels svar vil endre Midtøsten”.
[ix] UN General Assembly, “Resolution Adopted on the Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Palestinian Question,” A/RES/181(II) (29. November 1947)
[x] Jørgen Jensehaugen, “En kort introduksjon til Israel-Palestina konflikten”, (Oslo: Cappelen Damm Akademisk, 2022)
[xi] Kjersti G.Berg, “Palestina – Fakta på Bakken”, (Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 2023)
[xii] Berg, “Palestina – Fakta på bakken».
[xiii] Jensehaugen, “En kort introduksjon til Israel-Palestina konflikten”
[xiv] Ibid.
[xv] Berg, “Palestina – Fakta på Bakken”.
[xvi] Ibid.
[xvii] Convention (IV) respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land and its annex: Regulations concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land. The Hague, 18. October 1907; Convention (IV) relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War. Geneva, 12. August 1949
[xviii] Kjersti G.Berg, Palestina – Fakta på Bakken.
[xix] DCIP, “For Palestinian Children of East Jerusalem, the exception is the rule”; No Way to Treat a Child, “Factsheet: Palestinian child detainees”
[xx] Human Rights Watch, “A Threshold Crossed – Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution.”; B´Tselem, “A regime of Jewish supremacy from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea: This is apartheid; Amnesty International, “Israel´s Apartheid against Palestinians – A look into decades of oppression and domination.”
[xxi] Berg, Palestina – Fakta på bakken.
[xxii]Ibid.
[xxiii]Ibid.
[xxiv] UN News, “International Court of Justice finds Israeli barrier in Palestinian territory is illegal”.
[xxv] Jensehaugen, En kort introduksjon til Israel-Palestina-konflikten.
[xxvi] Berg, Palestina – Fakta på bakken.
[xxvii] Berg, Palestina – Fakta på bakken.
[xxviii] Hasson, “Israelis Should Wonder Why a 14-year-old Palestinian Stabs her Jewish Neighbour with a Kitchen Knife.”
[xxix] Berg, Palestina – Fakta på bakken.
[xxx] OHCHR, “Israel´s Collective Punishment of Palestinians Illegal and an Affront to Justice: UN Expert.”
[xxxi] Human Rights Watch, “Israel/Palestine: Unlawful Israeli Airstrikes Kill Civilians.”
[xxxii] Human Rights Watch, “Gaza: Israel´s ´Open-Air Prison´at 15. Israel, Egypt Movement Restrictions Wreak Havoc on Palestinian Lives”; Berg og Jensehaugen, “Israels svar vil endre Midtøsten”.
[xxxiii] Høvring, “Gaza: The World’s largest open-air prison”
[xxxiv] UN General Assembly, “Convention on the Rights of the Child,” A/RES/44/25 (20.November 1989); Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, “Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflict”
[xxxv] DCIP, “State of Palestine signs the Convention on the Rights of the Child”; OHCHR, “Pledge by Israel – Celebrating 30 years of the Convention on the Rights of the Child”
[xxxvi]Albanese, “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967”
[xxxvii] Ibid.
[xxxviii] Albanese, “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967”
[xxxix] Ibid.
[xl] Ibid.
[xli] Defense for Children International – Palestine, “Arbitrary by Default: Palestinian Children in the Israeli Military Court System”
[xlii] Save the Children, “Injustice: Palestinian children’s experience of the Israeli military detention system”
[xliii] Defense for Children International – Palestine, “Israel’s isolation of Palestinian children prisoners amounts to torture”
[xliv] Albanese, “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967”
[xlv] Amnesty International. “The Occupation of Water”
[xlvi] Albanese, “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967”
[xlvii] Ibid.
[xlviii] Save the Children, “Hope under the rubble: The impact of Israel’s home demolition policy on Palestinian children and their families”
[xlix] Albanese, “Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967”
[l]Ibid.
[li]Munayyer, “Can Our Leaders Avoid the Terrorist Trap?”